By opening marriages and adoptions for same-sex couples on Thursday, like many European countries, Greece is establishing a clear distance between state affairs and the doctrines of the dominant Orthodox Church.
It is a “historic moment” achieved the day after Valentine’s Day. At the expense of protracted negotiations and stalemate in the government camp itself, Greece Thursday, February 15, 37.E Countries of the world, 16E In Europe, and at most the first Orthodox Christian country to authorize same-sex marriage and adoption. An insult to the influential church which has always declared itself “sincerely opposed” to the bill.
He predicted a “day of joy”, calling the amendment “a bridge of coexistence between free citizens, in a free state”. On Thursday evening, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (from the right-wing New Democracy Party) welcomed the adoption of the amendment, a key measure of his second term, calling it a “turning point for human rights”.
A victory for a pro-European leader whose text was approved by 176 of the 254 deputies present in parliament after two days of debate (Wauly), and a real tour de force for a country long dominated by the Church, whose society is still inclusive today. Less than 90% conservative, and in which state and ecclesiastical institutions are not separated.
After facing violent opposition from churches and social conservatives for whom same-sex marriage undermines traditional family values, Thursday’s vote was therefore a test to measure Greece’s progressivism and its ability to set a new standard for LGBT+ rights in the conservative Christian world.
A few livers
“The Greek Church has taken a few blows in the last thirty years,” says Joel Dalgre, a professor of history at INALCO and an expert on contemporary Greece. “When the Greek state was created, the Ottoman legacy meant that the people were defined by religion, therefore by Orthodoxy,” she continues, referring to this important element of Greek national identity that gave the Orthodox Church an extraordinary place and role. have received
The expert explains that the change began in 1981 with the coming to power of Pasok (a Greek center-left political party). In the same year, Greece entered the European Union. “Little by little, the Church lost its privileges.” A phenomenon linked to changes in life and public opinion, especially in Greece. “The Greeks wanted to move closer to the traditional Western European model of being a great, developed and modern cultural model.”
Since then, the Church has bowed to several reforms, including the creation of civil marriages, after condemnation, after condemnation by the European Court of Human Rights. , or a relaxation of orthodox schooling.
Taking the example of the removal of mention of religion from Greek identity documents, Joel Delegre explains, “Each time there has been a shock, it has stirred public opinion. “Each time, it’s a step back on the Church’s part. Each time he protested, but wasn’t heard.”
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As soon as the government announced its intention to open marriage to same-sex couples, the Orthodox Church stepped in, calling for a roll-call vote in parliament, which was seen as an attempt to pressure certain deputies.
The Church of Greece, however, has few significant levers to oppose reforms going against its fundamentalists. Indeed, if the ecclesiastical establishment could still use threats against elected officials a few decades ago, the effect today seems like blowing a sword into water.
“Local metropolises have again tried to exert pressure on deputies in some regions, rural and distant from the two largest cities (Athens and Thessaloniki, editor’s note), which is still very traditional in terms of ethics, but exerts pressure on central deputies. Athens’ No use”, explains Joel Dalgre, also author of “Greece since 1945” (Greek studies).
Threats to boycott deputies seven decades later in the 1950s and 1960s, the historian adds, also seem futile: “They’re too afraid it won’t move many people.”
“The Church in Greece has no more legal means than elsewhere to prevent a political decision,” explains Meropi Anastasiadou, professor of history at INALCO and an expert on contemporary Greece and the Ottoman and postwar space. -Ottoman. “He can only use his own ‘tools,'” she adds, specifically referring to boycotts, indoctrination and opinion relays in civil society.
“In the recent past, it has succeeded in creating a significant movement of opinion,” the historian continues, referring to the issue of identity cards and school history textbooks. “The Church has media (for example radio), and it is very present in the daily life of a significant part of society.”
Recently, opinion movements have mainly taken the form of public protests. Along with far-right political parties – Niki, a far-right party close to Russia – and traditionalist groups, a few thousand people demonstrated in front of parliament on Sunday, displaying signs of the Virgin and the Christian cross. .
However, the country has been marked by a 10-year economic crisis that led to the imposition of severe austerity measures, exploding unemployment rates, serial privatization in numerous sectors and recently a dramatic railway accident, severe floods and farmers’ despair. , the performances no longer seem to contain anything exceptional. Also, adds Joel Dalgre, “it’s not hard to find 4,000 demonstrators in Athens.”
Church and state, “increasingly separated de facto”
Conservatism is undoubtedly an element of identity in Greece, but in practice things are changing rapidly. If it had not been established without opposition, civil marriage – considered by the Church at the time as a “catastrophic bomb” at the foundations of Greek society – is increasingly popular today, and so is the “ordinary life contract”. Evolving over the years.
“Alexis Tsipras (former left-wing Prime Minister, in 2015, and from 2015 to 2019, editor’s note) theoretically could have made this law (on marriage for all) ten years ago, but he didn’t because “he was still strong was afraid Reactions”, analyzes Joel Dalgre.
In the period before the adoption of the law on marriage for all, current Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis always kept the Church out of the matter, presenting his project as a modern, democratic measure, allowing equality between all citizens.
“Let me be clear on this point: we are discussing the decisions of the Greek state, which are not related to theological convictions,” he declared in a speech to his cabinet.
“Historically, we have had different opinions with the Church regarding civil marriage, cremation and the omission of religion on the Greek identity card,” he further declared. “Experience shows that these changes were necessary. They did not harm society or the cooperation between the state and the church, and I am sure that from now on it will remain the same.”
Syriza Party MP (left), Elena Akrita, similarly believes that the position of the Church should not be considered, as it is “not an interlocutor” in this debate.
“Successive governments have taken many opportunities over the last ten or 15 years to state that they cannot get involved in issues that fall under the competence of state authorities,” says Meropi Anastasiadou, specifically referring to the topic of vaccines against Covid. Orthodox priests were very reluctant to vaccinate.
“The church is still dominant in Greece, but at the same time we have to take into account the fact that homosexuality is perhaps more accepted than elsewhere in society, implicit (through education) through ancient Greek culture,” she continues.
Also, if church and state are not legally separated (especially the clergy are still employed by the state), “they are more and more separated, but we can’t say that”, believes Joel Dalgre.
On Thursday evening, Kyriakos Mitsotakis was proud to make Greece 16E EU countries will legislate in favor of marriage for all. “The first of its kind in the South-East”, explains its economic adviser Alex Patelis to the Greek media eKathimerini, underlining the geographical and geopolitical dimensions of this historic law.
The bill “could encourage more Eastern European bloc countries, as well as more right-wing ministers, to follow suit and consider similar inclusive policies,” the article continues, citing the impact of the reform as far as Italy, which so far only allows same-sex couples, as well as the Czech Republic. to recognize civil unions, which is currently debating the introduction of a similar bill to Greece.
When it comes to influencing other countries with conservative majorities, however, nothing is less certain. “In Russia, Putin is not ready to marry same-sex couples,” quipped Joel Dalgre. As for Romania or even Bulgaria, the historian adds: “Compared to the course Greece is taking in regard to religion, they are at least 40 years behind”, which does not foresee a development in this direction, “unless a European law compels them to do so.” forcing.”
